Bringing together transnational perspectives on urban narration, this innovative book analyses how a combination of tales, images and discourses are used to brand, market and (re-)make cities, focusing on the actors behind this and the conflicts of power that arise in defining and governing city futures.

This new version of a leading textbook on French politics offers expert analysis of recent national and international events, discussing their significance for France itself as well as for Europe and the wider world. It covers a wide range of current challenges facing the country under the presidency of Emmanuel Macron and considers how issues such as immigration, multiculturalism and gender and sexual politics fit with wider patterns in global politics.New to this Edition:- New co-editor Helen Drake joins the book's experienced team of editors.- Completely revised to take stock of the presidency of François Hollande, the first half of Emmanuel Macron's mandate, and to look forward to the future of France and its significance to European and global politics.- Covers a range of new topics including the National Rally (formerly the National Front), immigration, multiculturalism and gender and sexual politics.

Transition écologique, clivages sociaux, inégalités entre les territoires, métropolisation, mobilisations citoyennes, territorialisation, transformations de l'État… Ces phénomènes qui affectent les villes et régions du monde intéressent et désorientent de nombreux acteurs et observateurs de l'action publique. Conçu dans une logique pluridisciplinaire, exhaustif et didactique, ce dictionnaire offre un point de vue original sur les dynamiques territoriales contemporaines et sur les notions clés qui servent à les appréhender. Son index thématique et les références bibliographiques permettent de saisir les sujets dans leur globalité, de comprendre leurs interactions et de prolonger leur étude. Véritable outil d'analyse et d'aide à la décision, il met un savoir clair à la disposition de tous : chercheurs, élus et collaborateurs politiques, acteurs de l'action publique dans les territoires, étudiants et candidats aux concours de la fonction publique

This book looks at the period 2015-2018 in French politics, a turbulent time that witnessed the apparent collapse of the old party system, the taming of populist and left-wing challenges to the Republic and the emergence of a new political order centred on President Emmanuel Macron. The election of Macron was greeted with relief in European chancelleries and appeared to give a new impetus to European integration, even accomplishing the feat of making France attractive after a long period of French bashing and reflexive decline. But what is the real significance of the Macron presidency? Is it as transformative as it appears? Emmanuel Macron and the two years that changed France provides a balanced answer to this pressing question. It is written to appeal to a general readership with an interest in French and European politics, as well as to students and scholars of French politics

This book looks at the period 2015-18 in French politics, a turbulent time that witnessed the apparent collapse of the old party system, the taming of populist and left-wing challenges to the Republic and the emergence of a new political order centred on President Emmanuel Macron. The election of Macron was greeted with relief in European chancelleries and appeared to give a new impetus to European integration, even accomplishing the feat of making France attractive after a long period of French bashing and reflexive decline. But what is the real significance of the Macron presidency? Is it as transformative as it appears? Emmanuel Macron and the two years that changed France provides a balanced answer to this pressing question. It is written to appeal to a general readership with an interest in French and European politics, as well as to students and scholars of French politics.

La 4e de couverture indique : "Cities are back as significant political-administrative units - only now as metropolises. Rather than simply a mechanical effect of the exigencies of economic globalization, this book convincingly demonstrates that an array of active political actors are involved in energizing the trend. It is political praxis not economic structure that provides the key to understanding the efflorescence of urban governance today. The fact that there is much variation across cities in the extent and effectiveness of new models of governance suggests how much one-size-fits-all economic determinism misses the point."

Developments in French Politics 5 provides a systematic assessment of French politics following the 2012 presidential and parliamentary elections. Bringing together an entirely new set of specifically-commissioned, its central theme is whether the discourse of reform - initiated by Sarkozy - has been translated into tangible change.

Décentralisation, marketing territorial, développement local, démocratie participative… Ces phénomènes contemporains affectent les territoires, suscitant l'intérêt des nombreux acteurs et observateurs de l'action publique. Synthèse inédite, ce dictionnaire explore l'univers territorial des institutions politiques, des acteurs et des politiques sectorielles. Rédigé par des auteurs aux compétences variées, tant universitaires que professionnelles, il offre un point de vue complet et original sur la fabrique des territoires. Construit dans une logique pluridisciplinaire, pédagogique et pratique, il analyse les dynamiques contemporaines des territoires et les notions clés pour les appréhender. L'index thématique et les références bibliographiques permettent de saisir les sujets dans leur globalité et de prolonger leur analyse. Véritable outil d'analyse et d'aide à la décision, ce dictionnaire met à la disposition de tous – chercheurs, praticiens, étudiants et candidats aux concours de la fonction publique – un savoir clair et directement mobilisable.

La 4e de couverture indique : "Décentralisation, marketing territorial, développement local, démocratie participative… Ces phénomènes contemporains affectent les territoires, suscitant l'intérêt des nombreux acteurs et observateurs de l'action publique. Synthèse inédite, ce dictionnaire explore l'univers territorial des institutions politiques, des acteurs et des politiques sectorielles. Rédigé par des auteurs aux compétences variées, tant universitaires que professionnelles, il offre un point de vue complet et original sur la fabrique des territoires. Construit dans une logique pluridisciplinaire, pédagogique et pratique, il analyse les dynamiques contemporaines des territoires et les notions clés pour les appréhender. L'index thématique et les références bibliographiques permettent de saisir les sujets dans leur globalité et de prolonger leur analyse. Véritable outil d'analyse et d'aide à la décision, ce dictionnaire met à la disposition de tous – chercheurs, praticiens, étudiants et candidats aux concours de la fonction publique – un savoir clair et directement mobilisable."

The presidential election of 2007, which propelled Nicolas Sarkozy into the Élysée Palace, was arguably the most important for a generation. Sarkozy's victory was seen as opening a new political era, as he replaced Jacques Chirac at the forefront of French politics. Developments in French Politics 4 takes stock of the Chirac years, gives an account of the changed political scene, and makes accessible the latest analysis of contemporary French politics.Written by a team of leading authorities from France, the USA, the UK and beyond, this volume provides a systematic assessment of the French political system, from the central institutions and organizations through to key policies and issues. It addresses the main challenges in contemporary politics and the administration's response. Globalization, gender, immigration and culture all come under the microscope, as do traditional concerns such as economic, welfare and foreign policy. Arguing that reform went further under Chirac than is commonly acknowledged, the chapters together provide state of the art coverage of French politics and an assessment of the degree of continuity and change – institutionally, structurally and behaviourally – between Chirac and Sarkozy.

Explicitly adopting a multidisciplinary approach, the book investigates continuity and change in contemporary French politics, society and culture. The chapters go beyond the familiar question of whether the Republic is acting in accordance with its vocation, to address the issue of whether that vocation is still viable. Drawing on contributions that reflect a variety of methodological approaches, ranging from theoretical speculations and modelling to the interpretation of fieldwork data, this study examines the dynamics of the relationship between the Republic and its constituencies, in the fields of political relations, territorial identities, social movements, public policy and foreign policy, and in each context juxtaposing what is perceived as the model for that relationship with the current reality.France in the twenty-first century is facing challenges that could not have been imagined a generation ago. The test for the Republic is whether it will resist the ongoing pressures for redefinition imposed by internal contestation and the emergence of powerful supranational and global forces, or whether it will find a way of adapting to these pressures while preserving a part of the vocation and ambition that make it characteristically French. The book concludes that, though the French polity remains characteristically different from other models of modern liberal democracy, internal and external pressures have challenged the republican model to the core.

Présentation de l'éditeur : "Beyond devolution and decentralisation compares the politics, policies and polity-building dynamics of devolution in Wales and decentralisation in the French region of Brittany. Empirically, the book draws conclusions from in-depth fieldwork within two regions and reports the findings of a comparative public opinion survey. Theoretically, it contributes towards our understanding of the comparative study of regions. Perhaps most impressive is how the case studies generally are based on, but also cast light back, to the nuanced theoretical framework on regional capacity established at the outset. The book uncovers the dynamics of devolution in Wales and decentralisation in Brittany through extensive face to face interviews: over 200 interviews were carried out from 2001 to 2004, a formative stage in the development of the devolved institutions in Wales and a period of expectation in Brittany as well. The book will be of interest to the professional research community and to practitioners in Britain, France and beyond, as well as to students on comparative politics, British/Welsh politics, French politics, European studies and public policy courses."

Assuming no previous knowledge and concentrating on the post-1981 era, this book introduces the fundamentals of French government and society. Covering a broad spectrum of topics, French Politics and Society 2nd Edition follows a logical structure and framework for analysis, providing an excellent description of French institutions, access to background information and discussions of historical developments, political forces, public policy, and the evolution of important aspects of French society.

Assuming no previous knowledge and concentrating on the post-1981 era, this book introduces students to the fundamentals of French government and society. Covering a broad spectrum of topics, French Politics and Society follows a logical structure and framework for analysis; while the text covers a wide range of topics, the author knits these together into a coherent whole making the subject clear and accessible to the reader.

Francois Mitterrand is one of France’s most famous twentieth-century politicians, yet interpretations of his values and leadership vary widely. Alistair Cole’s in depth study starts with a chronological overview of Mitterrand’s career, and proceeds with a policy-based assessment of Mitterrand’s presidency. By evaluating Mitterrand’s policies in relation to various key roles such as the party leader, the President, the dispenser of patronage, the European statesman and the World Leader, this book places his leadership in comparative perspective, and offers a new understanding of him as an individual political leader. This fully up dated paperback edition will be invaluable for students of contemporary European politics as well as those interested in the career of one of post-war Europe’s leading statesmen.

This chapter considers the contemporary decline of political trust and the potential existential threat that it poses to democracy. Drawing on comparative analysis from the UK, France and Germany it examines governance-trust configurations and their likely propensity to foster co-production and co-creation between state and civil society. A key finding is the extent to which the development of trust within civil society varies as much within as between states. The analysis also highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the erosion of trust. The study argues that potential solutions for restoring political trust and reversing the perceived decline of democracy have civil society at their heart and include the adoption of more diverse and effective forms of citizen engagement. Yet the discussion also warns that this is fraught with difficulties. Notably, the adoption of co-creation or co-production to build trust with civil society actors is likely to be most challenging in new governance regions where a shared history or identity is largely absent.

At the end of his only five-year term in presidential office, what do we really know about Nicolas Sarkozy, the sixth President of the Fifth Republic? What was the personal contribution of this atypical individual to the collective experience of French Presidents since 1958? Did the five-year Sarkozy period challenge our traditional readings of the French presidential office? Indeed, does the French presidency as an office still exercise the state capacities that justified such academic attention in previous decades? To elucidate successfully Sarkozy’s political practice requires an understanding of the dynamics of political leadership, both in general terms and adapted to the specific context of the Fifth Republic and its constitution (Gaffney, 2010). Most models of political leadership involve some combination of the personal qualities of leaders, their positional strengths and weaknesses, and the wider environmental and cultural constraints and opportunities that help shape their political leadership (Cole, 1997). Logically, the model favours three levels of analysis; the individual, the office, the environment. This chapter evaluates the political institution of the French presidency under Sarkozy by referring to this multi-dimensional framework of analysis. The main argument is that Nicolas Sarkozy over-invested the presidential office with a personal governing style that was widely deemed — by public opinion, as well as elites — to be inappropriate given the role expectations of the French presidency.

The state language is usually a regional language that historically was able to impose itself on the other ones. Language currently constitutes a very sensitive nexus between the concepts of territory and community. Ethnolinguistic mobilizations have occurred in very different contexts, and their interpretation needs to take into account varying configurations and conditions of success. By using the concept of 'ethnolinguistic', this chapter aims to study the political uses of languages spoken in different regions of Europe. Political theorists working on theories of justice have argued strongly that languages are not merely instruments used to lower the transaction costs of social interactions, but that they can also be desired for their intrinsic value. Mobilizing different types of explanatory variable (namely centre-periphery relations, the existence of strong local advocacy coalitions and political opportunity structures), the chapter demonstrates how the politicization of ethnolinguistic issues has followed three different institutional paths even in the restricted state setting of republican France.

Pre-revolutionary France was marked largely by the attempts of the monarchy to impose central control, however, these changed at the advent of the French Revolution from 1789 to 1794. The revolution introduced the idea that the nation was no longer embodied by the monarch but by ‘the people’ and thus became largely synonymous with that of the Republic itself. For 150 years after 1789, France was under three periods of monarchy, five republics, two imperial rules, and reactionary wartime rule by the Vichy state. During these periods, there were attempts to restore monarchical and imperial forms of government as the political system of France. However, the republic became firmly embedded in the French political consciousness as a natural revolutionary form of government. This republic form of government was re-established several times over as the form of government in France and has been the political system of the nation from 1958 to the present. This article discusses the French political system with particular emphasis on the Fifth Republic. It discusses the two Acts of decentralization that have reduced the tutelage of the central state, introduced genuine territorial checks and balances, produced a degree of policy emulation across local authorities, and improved local democracy. While the institutions of French democracy contributed in a positive manner to the issue of trust in the broader polity, the French subnational government system, however, has many principal weaknesses: particularly in terms of the institutional layering and the public confusion on where the responsibility lies for delivering services. Topics included as well in this article include: local finances and public expenditure; transparency, layering, and democracy; new forms of central steering and European regulation. The article concludes with the challenges and constraints in the French political system.

Seit den späten siebziger Jahren ist Frankreich einem immensen Veränderungsdruck unterworfen. Als eine der führenden europäischen Nationen mit spezieller Staatstradition und historischer Erbschaft wurde das traditionelle französische Modell durch inneren und äußeren Druck in mindestens dem gleichen Maße herausgefordert wie andere vergleichbare Länder. Politik und öffentliche Politikgestaltung in Frankreich sind weit weniger selbstbezogen geworden. Aus benachbarten Ländern sind neue Ideen ins Land eingesickert. Belastungen und Druck innerhalb der französischen Politik haben zu einigen bemerkenswerten seismischen Schockwellen geführt. Andererseits gibt es viele Belege für französischen Widerstand gegenüber unwillkommenen Ideen von außerhalb, wie zum Beispiel dem "Neo-Liberalismus". Ebenso bestehen starke Reform-Hemmnisse auf Grund tief verwurzelter innenpolitischer Interessen, wie sich während der Regierung Jospin an den Schwierigkeiten zeigte, politische Reformen im Ausbildungswesen und der Steuerverwaltung in Gang zu setzen. Der öffentliche Dienst und der Anspruch auf Gleichheit bilden sehr starke Barrieren gegenüber einer Veränderung der Politik.

At one level, the 2002 electoral series can be interpreted as a return to presidentialism as the key organising principle of the Fifth Republic, albeit by a circuitous route. The legislative election is dependent upon the decisive presidential election. The 2002 series of elections demonstrate without any doubt the importance of election campaigns, especially in the highly personalised contest for the presidency. Chirac's political skill was demonstrated through his sensitivity to this changing political environment. Jacques Gerstle provides with a useful comparative overview of presidential election campaigns in the Fifth Republic. The underlying legitimacy of the system is shaped by the choices made by all key actors in favour of the presidential election as the decisive election in the Fifth Republic. The 2002 electoral series ended with a return to politics as normal, powerfully assisted by the second-ballot electoral system which, operated in a classic majoritarian manner.

A system of competing political parties is generally held to be a key defining feature of a liberal democratic political system. Although the 1958 constitution recognizes the legitimacy of political parties as ‘representative institutions’, a powerful strand of Gaullism has denigrated political parties as divisive, fractious organizations, whose existence is barely tolerated, and even then on condition that they do not threaten the superior interests of the Republic. In the Gaullist tradition, parties have never been wholeheartedly accepted as instruments of democracy, reflecting a distrust of representative democracy in favour of a direct relationship between the providential leader and the nation. A suspicion of intermediary bodies between the citizens and the state (such as parties and pressure groups) is not limited to Gaullism. It is deeply embedded in the ideology of the unitary state itself. In the Rousseauite tradition, the state represents the general will, superior to the particularistic interests represented by parties, groups and regions. There is no natural sympathy for doctrines such as pluralism which emphasize the importance of the corps intermédiaires between the citizen and the state. In part, this is a natural consequence of France’s historical development.

Politische Parteien konnten sich in Frankreich auf keinem für sie sehr fruchtbaren Boden entwickeln. Porträts der französischen politischen Kultur heben Eigenheiten wie das Fehlen staatsbürgerlicher Gesinnung (incivisme), Individualismus und Mißtrauen gegenüber Organisationen hervor (Crozier 1970; Pitts 1981; Gaffney/Kolinsky 1991). Auch wenn diese Porträts allzu impressionistisch sind, so scheinen französische Bürger doch seltener als nordeuropäische bereit, Parteimitglieder zu werden. Mitgliederparteien vom deutschen oder skandinavischen Typ sind selten; lediglich die Kommunisten und die Gaullisten boten Beispiele für Massenparteien — und beide sind inzwischen nur noch Schatten ihrer selbst. Von größter Bedeutung ist, daß ein einflußreicher Strang der republikanischen Tradition politische Parteien als Elemente der Spaltung und des Streits denunziert hat; ihre Existenz wird allenfalls geduldet, und dies auch nur unter der Bedingung, daß sie die höheren Interessen der Republik nicht gefährden. Am deutlichsten kommt dies in der klassischen gaullistischen Tradition zum Ausdruck, im Rahmen derer die politische Bewegung eine direkte Beziehung zwischen der „von der Vorsehung bestimmten“ Führungsfigur und der Nation befördert, sich aber ihrerseits nicht anmaßt, in diese privilegierte Beziehung einzugreifen. Das Mißtrauen gegenüber Parteien ist tief in der Ideologie des unitarischen Staates verwurzelt. Ihr zufolge verkörpert der Staat den allgemeinen Willen, der über den Partikularinteressen steht, die durch Parteien, Gruppen und Regionen repräsentiert werden. Eine Doktrin wie etwa der Pluralismus, der die Bedeutung von Zwischengewalten und Bindegliedern zwischen Bürger und Staat (corps intermédiaires) unterstreicht, stößt in Frankreich nicht auf natürliche Sympathie.

In his declaration of general policy in May 1995, President Chirac's first premier, Alain Juppe, called for a 'new republican pact' wherein 'Frenchstyle public services' would perform an essential cohesive role.' Two years later, Juppe slumped to defeat in the National Assembly elections, hoist upon the petard of a failed public service reform programme and by memories of the vast social protest movement of November-December 1995. This essay elucidates the various meanings of the elusive notion of service public. It then appraises European, national and sub-national challenges to traditional French understandings of the service public. Through observing examples of ideological and organisational resistance, the essay concludes that French policy makers have confronted the challenges to the service public in a way which is consistent with their political traditions.

An attempt will be made in this chapter to appraise the personal contribution of François Mitterrand to French politics, with special reference to the period 1981-1995. The objective of this chapter is not merely to appraise Mitterrand’s personal and policy contribution to the Fifth Republic, however, but also to address the issue of whether Mitterrand left a legacy, and, if so, how best to understand that legacy.

The German chancellorship is one of the key political offices in western European liberal democracies. This article situates Chancellor Helmut Kohl's leadership in the more general perspective of the study of political leadership in western Europe. After an introduction to approaches to the study of political leadership, and an historical overview of the chancellorship of Helmut Kohl, the article evaluates Kohl’s leadership in comparative perspective, both by comparing the German chancellor with his British, French and Italian counterparts, as well as situating him by reference to past German leaders.

Elected President in 1981, triumphantly re-elected in 1988, Francois Mitterrand was largely absent from the 1995 presidential campaign. It was notable that, in accordance with Gaullist tradition, Mitterrand refused to apologise for the crimes of the Vichy state ‘in the name of the Republic’: the President stuck to the argument that, because the Vichy state had ‘killed’ the Republic in 1940, it was not for the Republic to apologise for the acts of an illegal regime. The controversy occasioned by the Pean ‘revelations’, along with the hopeless balance of political power after the March 1993 elections, combined to reduce Mitterrand’s policy input during the second period of ‘cohabitation’, a period during which the Fourth President of the Fifth Republic attempted to prepare an honourable exit. The chapter discusses the personal contribution of Francois Mitterrand to French politics with the systemic and policy evolution of the French Fifth Republic during the period 1981–1995.

The French Socialist concept of Europe has been marked by a measure of ambivalence. Historically, Europe was valued insofar as it prolonged the internationalist traditions of French socialism, but it was feared because of the diminution of national sovereignty it implied. The dynamic tension between these two imperatives has resurfaced throughout the history of the Socialists’ relationship to Europe. In this chapter, we shall consider first the historical relationship between French socialism and the European Community; second, the evolution of Socialist policy towards the EC during the 1980s; before, third, concentrating upon the specific sphere of EU institutional reform; and finally, considering how the internal dynamics of the French Socialist Party have had an impact upon the party’s relationship with the EU.

Before 1989 the new wave of Green party politics which had influenced most of the rest of western Europe seemed to have bypassed France. In that year, however, the French Green Party (Les Verts) followed a modest success in the March local elecdons (8 per cent in towns with over 9,000 inhabitants) with an impressive 10.59 per cent in the European elections. This gave the movement nine MEPs, the largest number of any of the European Green parties. This was not quite the rise from nowhere that it might have seemed: Les Verts first emerged in the mid-1970s and can look back on a history of intermittent minor successes, including the 3.8 per cent vote for Antoine Waechter in the 1988 presidential election.

Describes and explains the radical transformations which have taken place within French society during the past 35 yr. Since the late 1950s the traditional social structures of the Third Republic have been transformed: peasantry and bourgeoisie have disappeared or mutated; the great national institutions of church, army, trade unions and schools have declined or severely weakened, and a late and rapid industrialisation has wrought profound economic changes. Even the French Communist Party has become a virtual irrelevance. All these institutions, so characteristic of French society throughout the Third Republic, have now ceased to be the object of major conflicts and tensions. In their stead local institutions, voluntary associations and the family have acquired a renewed strength and serve as the basic network for social relations and social life. Traditional French "joie de vivre' has become diversified, and expressed in a series of varied life-styles. -after Publisher

The article addresses a two-fold question: first, why does the French state invest so much time and resources in its Indian Ocean islands, Mayotte and Réunion? And why do these ultra-marine regions remain wedded to the French Republic? The high degree of insular buy-in both regions involves a two-level game, connecting state and island actors. Such turning to mainland France represents a form of African agency, however dependent on the mainland these islands appear to be. The causal mechanisms of the integration of the French Indian Ocean territories combine historical legacy (choosing France), institutional evolution (departmentalisation), common economic and military security challenges, the cost calculus of mainland France’s readiness to govern ultramarine territories and a widely shared set of beliefs in the value of remaining French. The islands are acting like rational actors, whose insular and isolated status pushes in the direction of seeking protection in an unstable environment.

Using the case of Quebec as the central reference, this article proposes a framework of analysis for understanding federated foreign policy, using a most similar design that integrates four distinct types of international action by sub-state authorities. The foreign policy rivalry between Canada and its francophone province gets to the heart of what constitutes the state in international relations. Federated states such as Quebec rely on recognition of their claims from the broader international community of states and their international organisations. In none of the examples considered here except the specific case of Belgium has the constituent state recognised the state-like quality of a component or successor state, which would be a precondition for recognition by the international system itself. The argument, ultimately, is a constitutional one: federated states will be recognised as international actors insofar as they are vested with external authority as an extension of their domestic competencies.

Securitization was a common practice of governments during the first phases of the COVID-19 outbreak. To successfully securitize a pandemic, a government has to convince its citizens of the magnitude of the threat. Trusted governments should be able to do this more effectively than untrusted ones. Hong Kong, our case study, is unique because the government managed to control the pandemic in a context of extremely low political trust. This paper examines the extent to which trust in the government and smart technologies influenced the securitization and management of the COVID-19 pandemic in Hong Kong. The results of this study suggest that under certain circumstances governments can successfully manage a health emergency even when they do not enjoy much political trust.

Background: The purpose of this scoping review is to stimulate interest and to raise awareness, among researchers, healthcare practitioners, and policymakers regarding the current scientific literature related to exercise prescription for non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Exercise prescription is a safe and cost-effective method that enables physicians to use exercise as a complementary addition to NCDs management and treatment. Methods: This scoping review followed the PRISMA Extension Guidelines for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR): Checklist and Explanation. Using this framework, we considered information from qualitative and quantitative studies to identify research gaps. We provide feasible suggestions to guide future research for the implementation of exercise prescription in the healthcare environment. The literature search was conducted using SPIDER and PICO tools for qualitative, quantitative, and mixed-study designs. Inclusion criteria included articles that investigated patients with NCDs and considered exercise interventions. Systematic searches of PubMed, Web of Science, MEDLINE, EMBASE, and ScienceDirect were undertaken on 26 July 2022 and all reference lists were manually searched. Data processing was performed using EndNote 2.0 software and data charts were used for numerical summary and thematic analysis. Results: There were 10,951 articles retrieved, of which 28 met the inclusion criteria. Based on the evidence, exercise was a feasible, safe, and acceptable method to prevent and manage non-communicable diseases in inpatient and outpatient settings. Six research directions were identified and discussed. In addition, implementation evidence and suggestions for policy-reconfiguration are also provided. Conclusion: This scoping review summarizes the current evidence for the effectiveness of exercise in the treatment of non-communicable diseases. The review provides key findings supporting exercise prescription for the inpatient and outpatient healthcare service. We suggest that governments and healthcare policymakers globally advocate the inclusion of structured exercise prescription within the NCDs treatment setting.

Objectives: To synthesize evidence and summarize research findings related to the effectiveness and feasibility of dance movement intervention (DMI) in older adults with mild cognitive impairment (MCI), Alzheimer's disease (AD), and dementia; to systemically map existing research gaps and research directions for future practice.Methods: A systematic search was conducted using six electronic databases: Web of Science, PubMed, PsycINFO, MEDLINE, ScienceDirect, and Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials. The methodological quality of included studies was assessed using the Cochrane Risk of Bias Tool for Randomized Trials (RoB 2) and The Risk of Bias in Non-randomized Studies of Interventions (ROBINS-I).Results: 29 dance intervention studies (13 RCT studies) were included in the scoping review: 62% of MCI, 10% of AD, and 28% of dementia; a total of 1708 participants (Female=1247; Male=461) aged from 63.8 ( ± 5.24) to 85.8 ( ± 5.27) years old. Eight RCT studies were included in the meta-analysis; results indicated that dance interventions had a significant effect on global cognition, memory, balance, and significantly decreased depression. No significant effects were found for executive function.Conclusions: Dance is a non-pharmacological, effective, affordable, and engaging intervention that can be used as a complementary treatment for older adults with MCI, AD, and dementia.

Objectives: In this review, we aim to highlight the evidence base for the benefits of exercise in relation to the treatment of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs), draw on the Health Triangular Policy Framework to outline the principal facilitators and barriers for implementing exercise in health policy, and make concrete suggestions for action.Methods: Literature review and framework analysis were conducted to deal with the research questions.Results: Exercise prescription is a safe solution for noncommunicable diseases prevention and treatment that enables physicians to provide and instruct patients how to apply exercise as an important aspect of disease treatment and management. Combining exercise prescription within routine care, in inpatient and outpatient settings, will improve patients’ life quality and fitness levels.Conclusion: Inserting exercise prescription into the healthcare system would improve population health status and healthy lifestyles. The suggestions outlined in this study need combined efforts from the medical profession, governments, and policymakers to facilitate practice into reality in the healthcare arena.

Background: The aim of this review was to examine the physiological and psychological benefits of dance and its effects on children and adolescents. We consider the therapeutic benefits of dance and outline the potential of dance as an alternative therapy for certain pathologies and medical disorders. Secondly, we summarize the types of dances used in physical interventions, and comment on the methodologies used. Finally, we consider the use of dance as a different exercise modality that may have benefits for increased physical activity generally, and for increased physical education provision in schools.Methods: A structured search strategy was conducted using the databases of PubMed, MEDLINE, Web of science, PsycARTICLES, and Social Science database. This review used the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines for systematic reviews. Studies that were published in the past 20 years were considered for inclusion. All written publications were searched for in English, and all articles included in this review were peer reviewed full papers.Conclusion: The key findings from this review indicate that dance is a feasible alternative to traditional physical activity. The findings also indicate that dance provides physiological and psychological benefits to healthy and medically compromised populations. Implementation of dance programs in schools and society generally needs serious consideration by policy makers. We hope that the results of this review stimulate debate and provide the necessary evidence to profile dance as a viable alternative medium of physical activity. Comprehensive and integrated changes will be needed including economical and legislative support from politicians and associated governmental agencies. The findings reported here are important and have implications for health policy change, reconfiguration, and implementation.

Based mainly on a Hong Kong-wide survey carried out in March-April 2021, while also drawing on a round of stakeholder interviews from July 2020 to December 2021, the article interprets the linked phenomena of trust and the smart city in the specific context of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. In the main body of the article, four angles are used to understand facets of trust-smart city relations, centred on characteristic trust, trust and technology, the role of intermediaries, and trust in government. The main findings of the survey centre around the data trust paradox (of high support for technology in a low-trust environment), the social impact of trust and mistrust (strongly correlated with age and political affiliation), and trust in the smart city as a weathervane of trust in government. Factors such as a digitally literate population, a decades-long investment in technology, and a substantial record of delivery provide solid reasons to believe that a strategic-technical narrative on the smart city might succeed where others have failed to convince.

Social dynamic is gaining attention while discussing the holism of smart city development. Using Hong Kong’s smart city development as the case study, this paper aims to discover the influence of public trust on citizens’ perception of Hong Kong’s smart city performance in an international dimension, comparing with the smart city ranking by research agencies. Our central investigation further focuses on the association of public trust and digital trust, using COVID19 contact tracing app as an example. This paper uses data from a Hong Kong-based territory-wide survey in 2021 to conduct the analysis. The result suggests a positive relationship between public trust, subjective perception and digital trust, and supports that public acceptability is a cornerstone of an effective public policy.

The purpose of this brief report is to stimulate further interest and to raise awareness in relation to the usefulness of assessing cardiac autonomic nerve function using heart rate variability (HRV). The paper outlines the mechanisms associated with HRV and the relationships between HRV, health, and athletic performance. The paper then summarizes the potential benefits of HRV in the assessment of health and exercise adaptations. The paper also provides suggestions about the practical implications of HRV measurement during data collection. We hope that the content provides useful information for the application of HRV for health evaluation and training adaptations. In addition, we hope the paper will provide a better understanding of how HRV measurements can be interpreted and used. Finally, the paper provides practical applications that are effective in the assessment of health and athletic training program outcomes.

The world is still struggling against the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic [...]

On 7 January 2020, China identified a virus called severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) [...]

The world has been severely challenged by the Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) outbreak since the early 2020s. Worldwide, there have been more than 66 million cases of infection and over 3,880,450 deaths caused by this highly contagious disease. All sections of the population including those who are affected, those who are not affected and those who have recovered from this disease, are suffering physiologically, psychologically or psychophysiologically. In this paper we briefly discuss the consequences of COVID-19 on physiological, psychological and psychophysiological vulnerability. We also attempt to provide evidence in support of exercise management as a prevention strategy for improving and minimizing the physiological, psychological and psychophysiological effects of COVID-19. Moderate exercise including walking, yoga and tai-chi to name but a few exercise regimes are critical in preventing COVID-19 and its complications. Governments, public health authorities and the general population should maintain physical activity during the COVID-19 pandemic to prevent additional physical and mental distress.

Cole Alistair. I. L'administration locale et les élections locales au Royaume-Uni. In: Droit et gestion des collectivités territoriales. Tome 36, 2016. Les élections locales françaises 2014-2015. pp. 235-246.

L’impact de l’intégration européenne sur les relations centre/périphérie. Une comparaison France/Royaume-Uni La question clé de cet article est simple : la politique régionale de l’UE, entendue comme une forme d’européanisation a-t-elle produit du changement politique ? Quelles variables explicatives pourraient expliquer tel changement ou résistance au changement ? Ces questions donnent lieu à considérer trois hypothèses principales pour expliquer le changement : celles du mésajustement, de la convergence et de la mobilisation. Ces trois hypothèses sont « testées » à partir de deux études de cas, la France et le Royaume-Uni. La recherche s’intéresse donc à deux États différenciés représentant deux pôles démocratiques et qui contiennent suffisamment de variation pour permettre une comparaison à la fois intra et inter-nationale. Les cas considérés présentent des éléments d’inertie (la gestion des fonds structurels reposant largement sur des modèles centre/périphérie préexistants), de requalibrage de l’action publique (dans les « nations » de la dévolution au Royaume-Uni et les régions décentralisées en France), mais en aucun cas d’éléments de profonde transformation de l’action publique liés directement à l’impact de la politique de cohésion. Plus généralement, les fonds structurels n’est peut-être pas l’instrument le plus approprié pour évaluer le changement de l’action publique. Dans cette enquête, les fonds structurels sont un épiphénomène de variables explicatives plus profondes ancrées principalement dans les ordres politiques institutionnels domestiques.

RésuméLa France est souvent considérée comme l’idéal-type de l’État nation culturellement homogène. Pourtant, même si le français est la principale langue d’usage, de nombreuses langues minoritaires y sont encore parlées. Cet article porte sur les mobilisations en faveur de l’usage des langues régionales depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale. Nous exposons tout d’abord un modèle d’analyse sous forme de marché linguistique. Puis, à travers l’exemple de la Corse, de la Bretagne et des langues d’oïl, nous cherchons à démontrer que l’action collective ethnolinguistique a emprunté trois trajectoires différenciées : la première consiste à matérialiser les revendications ethnolinguistiques à travers les institutions politiques et éducatives de la République ; la deuxième favorise l’usage des langues régionales en marge des institutions étatiques ; la troisième rassemble les cas de non-mobilisation. Ces différences sont mises au crédit d’une variation de l’ouverture de la structure d’opportunité selon les régions et de la capacité des entrepreneurs ethnolinguistiques à établir des réseaux territoriaux auprès des acteurs politiques.

RésuméL’article compare le Pays de Galles et la Bretagne, deux régions à identité marquée dans deux États, la France et la Grande-Bretagne, de tradition unitaire, avec, toutefois, dans ce second cas, plus de permissivité envers les expressions identitaires internes. L’analyse porte à la fois sur les niveaux « macro » et « micro ». L’application de la question Moreno permet de constater qu’une identité duale est assumée plus facilement en Bretagne qu’au Pays de Galles. Il y a peu de conflit entre le fait de se sentir breton et celui de se sentir français, tandis que pour une importante minorité de Gallois, l’identité britannique est perçue de manière négative. Les raisons de cette différence sont analysées dans le cadre d’une comparaison binaire approfondie.

Cet article répond à un double objectif empirique et théorique. Il présente tout d'abord un panorama du fait régional en Europe occidentale en distinguant quatre modèles d'administration des territoires. Les auteurs montrent notamment que la capacité politique des régions ne se résume pas à des ressources institutionnelles et qu'elle s'inscrit plus largement dans l'histoire des relations centre-périphérie. À partir d'une lecture critique des principaux travaux anglophones et francophones sur le fait régional en Europe, cet article présente trois approches théoriques du phénomène régional : le courant eth no-territorial constructiviste ; le néo-régionalisme et la gouvernance multi-niveaux. Les auteurs mettent en évidence les principaux acquis mais aussi les limites de ces paradigmes.

Until 1986 the prevailing interpretation of the French Fifth Republic was one of encroaching presidential domination; notwithstanding some welcome revisionism occasioned by ‘cohabitation’, presidentialism continues to permeate analysis of contemporary French politics. This article attempts a comparative assessment of the presidential party as it has functioned under the first four presidents of the French Fifth Republic: de Gaulle, Pompidou, Giscard d'Estaing and Mitterrand. It is contended that each presidential party has shared certain attributes, resulting from systemic influences in France's semi-presidential system; while retaining distinct characteristics derived from its identity as a particular type of party, and from the experience of a varying political context. The opportunities and constraints faced by successful presidential parties outweigh in importance their dissimilarites, inherited from their experience of different models of party organisation and ideology. No presidential party that has fallen from grace has managed to survive unscathed, nor to recover its position of former influence.

Abstract. This article traces the evolution of factions (the term preferred to that of ‘fraction’) within the French Socialist party (PS) from the early twentieth century until 1981, with special reference to the post‐1971 PS as a party of opposition. It concentrates on the causes and structures of factions, as well as their location in relation to the wider political system and the degree of political space they were able to occupy within the party. It argues that factions were divided by personal rivalries (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic), ideological and party policy differences, party strategy, power rivalries within the organisation and different historical origins. Factions corresponded more or less to a series of ideal‐types. These were the organisation faction, whose power stemmed from its position within the party organisation; the parallel faction, whose separate factional structures paralled official party ones, and the external faction, which attempted to transform external popularity into internal party strength. Four factions prevailed: Mitterrand, Mauroy, CERES and Rocard. Those headed by presidentiables enjoyed the most success, whereas the others gradually declined. The presidentialism of the French regime set the PS apart from its European counterparts.

Organisé par la Chaire Territoires et Mutations de l'Action Publique de Sciences Po Rennes en partenariat avec The WISERD - Wales Institute of Social and Economic Research, Data and Methods (Royaume-Uni)

This paper presents arguments drawn from the recently published book Emmanuel Macron and the Two Years that Changed France (Manchester University Press, 2019) and applies them to the broader question of France in Europe. The period covered by the book (centred on the transition from the Hollande to Macron presidencies, 2016–18) witnessed the apparent collapse of the old partisan order, the rescue of the political institutions, the rise (and possible taming) of populist and left-wing challenges to the Republic, in the context of a Europe in turmoil as a result of Brexit, the migrant crisis and territorial challenges to the state. The paper considers Macron’s political leadership as a three level game; specifically it focuses on the ideational and instrument use of Europe as an instrument of domestic and European politics. It forms part of a broader discussion of Macron’s leadership as part as an enterprise of disruption. The danger with the hollowing out of traditional left-right politics, in France and to a lesser degree in Europe, is what might be put in its place. What would happen if the central space itself became hollowed out in a reaction to modernizing French society and the failure to re-shape European integration?

Organisé par JB. Devaux, doctorant de science politique, Triangle, G. Marrel, Maître de conférences de science politique, UAPV-LBNC-CHERPA, R. Payre, PR de science politique, Sciences Po Lyon - Triangle

Nous analysons dans cette thèse le processus de structuration d'organisations politiques écologistes, le Green Party et les Verts, de manière comparative et à l'échelle régionale, sur la période 1974-1995. Nous étudions cinq dimensions de ce processus : structuration organisationnelle, évolution des clivages avec les autres formations politiques, évolutions électorales et stratégiques, parcours militants et médiatisation des écologistes. Nous mettons en évidence plusieurs processus se jouant à l'échelle régionale et locale et leur influence décisive sur l'échelle nationale (rôle moteur des fédérations régionales dans l'unification des Verts français, évolutions stratégiques locales) mais également l'impactrécurrent à l'échelle locale de dynamiques opérant à l'échelle européenne, surtout à partir de la formation d'un groupe écologiste au Parlement européen à partir de 1984. Dans les deux régions, les caractéristiques des partis Verts sont déterminées en premier lieu par la structure des clivages qui les opposent (ou apparentent) aux autres partis politiques ainsi que les parcours militants de leurs militants, deux facteurs qui donnent également lieu à de graves conflits internes. En Bretagne, les événements de mai 1968 puis un mouvement anti-nucléaire puissant contribuent à la structuration d'une famille politique consistante mais les Verts restent très fragiles sur le plan organisationnel, malgré une implantation électorale significative surtout à partir de 1989. Au Pays de Galles, le développement d'un mouvement écologiste autonome est entravée par la puissance du mouvement régionaliste et la présence au sein du parti travailliste de nombreux opposants à l'armement nucléaire, et le fait qu'une partie significative des militants du Green Party soient des nouveaux arrivants originaires d'Angleterre. Le Wales Green Party recueille de ce fait des résultats électoraux très faibles mais parvient à pérenniser son organisation et ses activités.

Le Québec est l’un des États fédérés les plus actifs en relations internationales. Toutefois, l’étude de ses activités extérieures présente tout de même une certaine atonie. Disciplinairement écartées, analytiquement restreintes «[l]es relations internationales du Québec ont été étudiées comme un sous-produit des relations internationales ». On peut alors imaginer, sur la base de cette affirmation du professeur Luc Bernier, l’attention portée, par la communauté scientifique, sur la nature de ces activités. Ce «sujet n’a été qu’exploré, particulièrement dans sa dimension théorique », écrivait la ministre Louise Beaudoin. En effet, il est rarement question, dans la littérature, d’exploration de la substance de cette activité québécoise. Rares sont les chercheurs qui ont approfondi rigoureusement ce sujet. Quelle interprétation peut-on donner à cette activité internationale québécoise ? Quels sont le contenu, la texture et la nature de cet objet ? Comment définir celui-ci ? Quels sont les repères théoriques et conceptuels pour baliser scientifiquement les relations extérieures du Québec ? Dans un contexte de scientificité, il est particulièrement «légitime de s’interroger sur la teneur et la nature de cette action » québécoise.

La thèse étudie comment les enjeux économiques de l’innovation se formulent dans l’action publique territoriale,en adoptant une démarche comparative et en s’appuyant sur une enquête réalisée dans deux régionsmétropolitaines en Europe : l’Ile-de-France et la Lombardie. La recherche est conduite en problématisant lagouvernance territoriale de l’innovation sur la base d’un cadre théorique élaboré à la croisée des travaux descience politique sur les politiques territoriales et de sciences sociales sur l’innovation. L’analyse est dès lorscentrée sur les processus institutionnels, les réseaux d’acteurs et les relations de pouvoir. Les données mobiliséesportent sur les initiatives et les aides se déployant en chacune des régions étudiées en faveur de l’innovation, enparticulier dans le domaine du numérique. La comparaison entre l’Ile-de-France et la Lombardie vise à faireressortir les spécificités socio-politiques de chacune des deux situations territoriales en privilégiant deux champsd’investigation : les usages de l’innovation en tant que catégorie d’action publique transnationale et régionalisée,et les mobilisations collectives se structurant en référence aux enjeux du développement métropolitain à Paris età Milan. Tandis qu’en Ile-de-France les politiques publiques font figure de vecteurs pour la territorialisation desacteurs de l’innovation, la Lombardie donne à voir l’affirmation d’un leadership universitaire appuyé par lespouvoirs locaux. Par-delà ces différences, les deux cas permettent d’observer certaines modalités locales dudéveloppement de l’économie de la connaissance et interrogent le phénomène de politisation des enjeux etacteurs de l’innovation.

La présente étude tend à replacer le contexte de la construction fédérale américaine à la lumière d'un théisme politique émergent. L'exceptionnalisme procède à ce titre d'un paradoxe originel qui vient directement nourrir nos interrogations : la reconnaissance par la lettre constitutionnelle puis par les juges de la Cour Suprême d'un véritable « mur de séparation » entre le spirituel et le temporel, parfois exacerbé par les instruments du droit, mais qui doit être associé à la mise en place d'une «religion de la République» élaborée et fortement institutionnalisée. De là, l'auteur voit dans la notion d'exceptionnalisme religieux la mise en œuvre d'une rhétorique nouvelle qui entend offrir les instruments conceptuels permettant de revisiter la subtile immixtion de l' « esprit de religion » et de l' « esprit de liberté » chers à Alexis de Tocqueville. Cette perspective a dès lors pour dessein d'entrevoir une résolution de l'impossible oxymore que forme la république théocratico-laïque. Cette apparente dichotomie ne peut être entrevue à travers une lecture exclusivement doctrinale, elle emporte au contraire nombre d'incertitudes sur le plan jurisprudentiel. L'étude démontre à ce titre que les juges, en éludant la notion d'exceptionnalisme américain, ne peuvent construire un paradigme juridique apte à apprécier de manière satisfaisante les dispositions de droit positif en matière religieuse. Aussi, le constitutionnaliste œuvre à étudier les mécanismes juridiques traduisant un phénomène sociologique exceptionnaliste. Cette approche éclaire de telle manière la notion sans cesse revisitée de « laïcité américaine ».

Le recours croissant à des anticipations stratégiques territorialisées, participatives et mobilisatrices comme étapes du processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques territoriales, par le Conseil régional de Bretagne, le Gouvernement du Pays-de-Galles et le Gouvernement du Québec, peut être analysé comme un investissement, par ces pouvoirs territoriaux « intermédiaires », d'un champ jusqu'alors réservé à l’État central et aux élus nationaux : la promesse du futur. Dans un contexte de remise en question du modèle de l’État-Providence centralisé, accentué par la crise économique et la crise de la dette de la fin des années 2000, la capacité et la légitimité politique des États centraux à garantir la prospérité territoriale et l'espoir d'un futur meilleur se sont étiolées. Les administrations régionales – au sens large – investissent donc cet espace désormais disponible pour mettre en avant une vision infranationale du futur et du territoire, tant auprès de la population que des partenaires de l'action publique. Les démarches d’anticipation stratégique étudiées produisent et reproduisent des discours sur la vision du futur et du territoire, sur le sens de l’action publique et des institutions régionales. Ces registres participent tous d’un investissement de l’avenir par le pouvoir politique, c’est-à-dire d’une économie politique du temps. L’approche par l’investissement politique du futur permet donc d’étudier la fabrique et le gouvernement d’un territoire politique. Les récits projectifs territorialisés que nous avons pu étudier articulent en effet plusieurs dimensions de la légitimation d’un espace politique : un processus de circonscription du territoire (territory making process), un processus de mobilisation d’une communauté territoriale (community making process), et un processus de redéfinition de la dynamique et de l’espace de la légitimité (polity defining process). Cette perspective de recherche permet d’étudier plusieurs dimensions du changement : la transformation interne des espaces politiques nationaux, la convergence internationale de l’action publique infranationale, et enfin la redistribution de l’autorité politique dans des États Nations en recomposition.

Le recours croissant à des anticipations stratégiques territorialisées, participatives et mobilisatrices comme étapes du processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques territoriales, par le Conseil régional de Bretagne, le Gouvernement du Pays-de-Galles et le Gouvernement du Québec, peut être analysé comme un investissement, par ces pouvoirs territoriaux « intermédiaires », d'un champ jusqu'alors réservé à l’État central et aux élus nationaux : la promesse du futur. Dans un contexte de remise en question du modèle de l’État-Providence centralisé, accentué par la crise économique et la crise de la dette de la fin des années 2000, la capacité et la légitimité politique des États centraux à garantir la prospérité territoriale et l'espoir d'un futur meilleur se sont étiolées. Les administrations régionales – au sens large – investissent donc cet espace désormais disponible pour mettre en avant une vision infranationale du futur et du territoire, tant auprès de la population que des partenaires de l'action publique. Les démarches d’anticipation stratégique étudiées produisent et reproduisent des discours sur la vision du futur et du territoire, sur le sens de l’action publique et des institutions régionales. Ces registres participent tous d’un investissement de l’avenir par le pouvoir politique, c’est-à-dire d’une économie politique du temps. L’approche par l’investissement politique du futur permet donc d’étudier la fabrique et le gouvernement d’un territoire politique. Les récits projectifs territorialisés que nous avons pu étudier articulent en effet plusieurs dimensions de la légitimation d’un espace politique : un processus de circonscription du territoire (territory making process), un processus de mobilisation d’une communauté territoriale (community making process), et un processus de redéfinition de la dynamique et de l’espace de la légitimité (polity defining process). Cette perspective de recherche permet d’étudier plusieurs dimensions du changement : la transformation interne des espaces politiques nationaux, la convergence internationale de l’action publique infranationale, et enfin la redistribution de l’autorité politique dans des États Nations en recomposition.

La thèse a pour objectif de contribuer à l’étude des processus d’internationalisationscientifique à travers l’étude du cas spécifique de la science politique sur la période1945-2010. Elle s’appuie, pour ce faire, sur une comparaison franco-britannique et surun cadre théorique inspiré de travaux de sociologie des sciences et de sociologiepolitique. Articulé autour de la notion de champ, ce cadre constitue la base d’uneanalyse en trois temps. Le premier consiste en une sociohistoire comparée de deuxorganisations transnationales de science politique – l’Association Internationale deScience Politique (AISP) et le European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR). Ledeuxième repose sur une analyse comparée de trois instances de consécration éditoriales– la Revue Française de Science Politique, Political Studies et le European Journal ofPolitical Research. Le troisième est une analyse comparée des carrières internationalesde politistes français et britanniques, sur la base de récits de vie. Les apports de ces troisterrains amènent à conclure, d’une part, à l’émergence progressive d’un champinternational partiellement autonome des espaces nationaux mais dont les règles du jeusont en partie liées aux rapports de force en vigueur dans le champ américain. Ilspermettent aussi, d’autre part, de mettre en évidence une structuration du processusd’internationalisation des champs nationaux par les phénomènes de décentralisation,d’autonomisation et de spécialisation qui modifient, au fil du temps, leur physionomie.

La thèse a pour objectif de contribuer à l’étude des processus d’internationalisationscientifique à travers l’étude du cas spécifique de la science politique sur la période1945-2010. Elle s’appuie, pour ce faire, sur une comparaison franco-britannique et surun cadre théorique inspiré de travaux de sociologie des sciences et de sociologiepolitique. Articulé autour de la notion de champ, ce cadre constitue la base d’uneanalyse en trois temps. Le premier consiste en une sociohistoire comparée de deuxorganisations transnationales de science politique – l’Association Internationale deScience Politique (AISP) et le European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR). Ledeuxième repose sur une analyse comparée de trois instances de consécration éditoriales– la Revue Française de Science Politique, Political Studies et le European Journal ofPolitical Research. Le troisième est une analyse comparée des carrières internationalesde politistes français et britanniques, sur la base de récits de vie. Les apports de ces troisterrains amènent à conclure, d’une part, à l’émergence progressive d’un champinternational partiellement autonome des espaces nationaux mais dont les règles du jeusont en partie liées aux rapports de force en vigueur dans le champ américain. Ilspermettent aussi, d’autre part, de mettre en évidence une structuration du processusd’internationalisation des champs nationaux par les phénomènes de décentralisation,d’autonomisation et de spécialisation qui modifient, au fil du temps, leur physionomie.